We argue against Rappaport Hovav & Levin’s (RHL) (2010) claim that the lexicalization of manner/result determines argument realization options of verb classes and in favor of severing such lexicalization from the idiosyncratic properties of roots. We discuss new data involving result verbs in predicates where the patient undergoing the result state encoded by the verb is not realized as argument of the BECOME subevent, against RHL’s (2001) lexicalist take on the Argument-Per-Subevent Condition.
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