This project explores a pattern of reflexive licensing in Balinese that has been argued to pose a problem for GB/Minimalist theories of binding: in transitive sentences, promotion to matrix subject position does not create new binding possibilities, but in raising sentences, it seemingly does. We propose that reflexives in the latter are in fact logophorically bound, not bound by the raised subject, thus obviating the need to assign variable status to Balinese subject position.
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